By: Chrystal A. George Mwangi and Adaurennaya C. Onyewuenyi
Chrystal A. George Mwangi, a transnational Black women scholar, is an associate professor of higher education at George Mason University. Adaurennaya “Ada” C. Onyewuenyi, a second-generation Nigerian of the Igbo tribe, is an associate professor of psychology and affiliate faculty of African American studies at The College of New Jersey. They are the authors of Hidden in Blackness: Being Black and Being an Immigrant in U.S. Schools and Colleges.
Race is a socially constructed concept with varying definitions and implications across cultural and historical contexts. While racial classification in the United States has been shaped by systemic oppression, capitalist economics, and policy-driven segregation, race in other countries—such as Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, and Eritrea—functions within those countries’ own distinct socio-historical frameworks. Understanding these global constructions of race offers critical insights into the racialized experiences of immigrant students within the U.S. P–20 education system.
Constructions of Race in Haiti
Haiti’s racial hierarchy is influenced by colonial history and post-independence class structures. Once Haiti became an independent Black nation in 1804, it developed two social strata: (a) a large “peasant” class comprising the former enslaved people living in rural regions, who tended to follow indigenous cultural models rooted in Haitian and African experiences, and (b) a small “elite” class that often comprised the offspring of French colonists and enslaved people (mulattoes), and others educated in European/French traditions. After independence, members of mixed-race elite families used their phenotypic characteristics as one way to justify political dominance (Coupeau, 2008). In Haiti, people are stratified not only by phenotype but also by language, socioeconomic status, and cultural affiliation.
Unlike in Haiti, where social class plays a significant role in determining social status, the U.S. racial classification system is primarily based on phenotype and a shared history of oppression. Haitian students, regardless of their educational background or socioeconomic status, are often racialized as Black and may experience anti-Black racism and discrimination within U.S. schools. Moreover, linguistic differences, such as speaking Haitian Creole rather than French or English, can lead to additional challenges, including being placed in English Language Learner programs that do not adequately support their educational needs.
U.S. educators should provide culturally responsive instruction that acknowledges Haitian history and identity, integrate Haitian Creole in language support programs, challenge anti-Black biases, and ensure student support staff are trained to understand the intersections of race, ethnicity, and nationality for their Black immigrant and international students.
Constructions of Race in the Dominican Republic
In the Dominican Republic, race is intertwined with nationality, language, and historical tensions with Haiti. The Dominican racial classification system includes numerous racial categories, many of which emphasize a distancing from Blackness. In addition to coloniality, the Dominican Republic’s construction of Blackness is also situated within its relationship with Haiti. Haiti occupied the Dominican Republic from 1822 until it established its full independence in 1844. The Haitian occupation was unpopular among Dominican elites, and led to a war that Dominicans eventually won (Ricourt, 2016). This strained relationship with Haiti, a country with a majority Black population, persisted and is interconnected in how racial and nationality identity were constructed within the Dominican Republic (Ricourt, 2016).
Haitians in the Dominican Republic are classified as Black, and ethnic Dominicans, regardless of the darkness of their skin or other phenotypic features, and often label themselves as mixed race (mestizo) or descending from indigenous (indio) and/or Spanish/white (white) rather than of Black ancestry (e.g., trigueno or indio oscuro [dark Indian], indio claro [light Indian]; Candelario, 2000; Itzigsohn & Dore-Cabral, 2000). This socially constructed racial distinction and labeling is reinforced by language, as Haitians speak Creole and Dominicans speak Spanish, which intersects race and nativity and can reify racism and xenophobia (García-Peña, 2015; Itzigsohn & Dore-Cabral, 2000).
Many Dominican students who identify as “indio” or “mixed” in their home country may find themselves classified as Black in the United States, leading to identity struggles and tensions with multigenerational Black American peers. Additionally, the racial distinctions that exist between Dominicans and Haitians in the Dominican Republic may manifest as intra-community conflicts within schools, particularly in communities with large populations of Caribbean immigrants.
To create more inclusive school environments, educators must understand the complexities of Dominican racial identity, avoid forcing students into rigid racial categories, and address anti-Blackness within Latinx communities.
Constructions of Race in Ethiopia and Eritrea
Unlike Haiti and the Dominican Republic, where race plays a central role in social classification, Ethiopia and Eritrea have historically been stratified along ethnic, religious, and linguistic lines. Ethiopia, one of the few African nations to resist European colonization, has experienced internal divisions based on ethnic group affiliation, with groups such as the Amhara, Oromo, and Tigrinya holding different historical and political positions. Eritrea, which was annexed by Ethiopia and later fought for independence, has a history of linguistic and religious oppression that has contributed to its national identity. Ethiopia represents over 70 different cultural groups crossing linguistic, ethnic, and religious lines. The three largest cultural groups are Oromos, Amharas, and Tigrinya, and the two major religious groups are Ethiopian Orthodox and other Christian faiths, and Muslims (Central Intelligence Agency [CIA], 2019). The majority of Eritreans identify as Tigrayan and Christian (Last & Markakis, 2021).
In their home countries, Ethiopians’ and Eritreans’ identification is more closely tied to tribe, ethnicity, and nationality than to race; however, in the U.S., these students are often racialized as Black. This racialization can lead to conflicts over identity, particularly as Ethiopian and Eritrean students navigate the expectations and experiences of being perceived as Black within the U.S. racial context.
Additionally, tensions between Ethiopian and Eritrean communities may persist in U.S. schools, reflecting historical conflicts between the two nations. These tensions can create additional complex dynamics that educators must be prepared to address.
To support Ethiopian and Eritrean students, educators should provide opportunities for these students to share their cultural backgrounds and histories, recognize the diversity within African identities, and challenge anti-Black biases that may emerge within these communities.
Implications for the U.S. P–20 Education System
Many Black immigrant students from these and other backgrounds face identity struggles and structural barriers that complicate their educational experiences. To create equitable learning environments, the following are essential:
Culturally Responsive Pedagogy
Curriculum should integrate the histories and cultural backgrounds of Black immigrant students to ensure representation and foster understanding among educators and peers.
Linguistic Inclusion
Schools should provide resources for Haitian Creole, Amharic, and Tigrinya speakers that go beyond the United States’ largely Spanish-centric English Language programs. Within higher education, offering these and other languages from the Diaspora in courses and accepting students’ fluency to meet language requirements will foster linguistic inclusion.
Address Anti-Blackness and Colorism
Educators should facilitate conversations about anti-Blackness and colorism within immigrant communities to challenge harmful ideologies and promote racial solidarity.
Recognize Intersectionality
The U.S. P–20 education system should understand how race, ethnicity, nationality, language, and social class intersect, how the intersections shape students’ educational experiences, and provide tailored support that acknowledges these complexities.
Community Engagement
Partnering with families and cultural organizations can help bridge cultural gaps between schools, universities, and Black immigrant communities, fostering trust and collaboration.
The racial identities of students from Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, and Eritrea are shaped by historical and cultural factors that differ from the U.S. racial context. As these students enter the U.S. education system, they must navigate new racial classifications, linguistic barriers, and social dynamics. Understanding global constructions of race is not only an academic exercise but a necessary step toward educational equity and justice.
References
Candelario, G. (2000). Hair race-ing: Dominican beauty culture and identity production, Meridians, 1(1), 128–156. https://doi.org/10.1215/15366936-1.1.128
Central Intelligence Agency. (2019, December). Explore all countries-Ethiopia. The World Factbook.
Coupeau, S. (2008). The history of Haiti. Greenwood Press.
García-Peña, L. (2015). Translating Blackness: Dominicans negotiating race and belonging. The Black Scholar, 45(2), 10–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2015.1012993
Itzigsohn, J., & Dore-Cabral, C. (2000). Competing identities? Race, ethnicity and panethnicity among Dominicans in the United States. Sociological Forum 15, 225–247. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1007517407493
Last, G. C., & Markakis, J. (2021, March 10). Eritrea. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/place/Eritrea
Ricourt, M. (2016). The Dominican racial imaginary: Surveying the landscape of race and nation in Hispaniola. Rutgers University Press.